The far-right and belonging in Italy and the EU
Photo by Michele Bitetto on Unsplash
“Sono una donna, sono una madre, sono Cristiana.”
I am a woman, I am a mother, I am Christian.
These words are the title of the 2020 autobiography by Giorgia Meloni, now poised to become Italy’s first female prime minister and lead the first majority far-right government in Italy since the fall of fascist dictator Benito Mussolini in 1945, and in Western Europe since the 1970s. A week of firsts.
These words are also used discursively by a savvy Meloni to define the “us,” who belongs, an “us” she says is under threat by a variety of and often overlapping enemies: progressives, the woke, corporations, speculators who are telling them who they can or cannot be. In fact, in Meloni’s world, she and her people are the othered. The ones who are no longer allowed to express that which they strongly feel: love for family, Christianity, country.
She will not hesitate to point who the other is, Meloni has strongly defined herself as woman, mother, Christian, working class, Roman, and against immigrants, LGBTQ+ rights, and against abortion.
Yet in most of the coverage pre- and post- election, the focus has not been on what the impacts of a Meloni-led government in Italy (Europe’s third largest economy) would be on these communities she rages against (migrants, LGBTQ+ people, foreigners, etc), but rather on the economic and foreign policy implications of her leadership. It seems that once more, attention is not on those who are most othered but on those who hold power. Some have even gone as far as to say that a strong Meloni would be preferable for the stability of the eurozone than her party having to rely on volatile allies like Salvini and Berlusconi This piece in Foreign Affairs goes so far as to argue that “America and the EU Should Root for a Far-Right Populist. Who cares about human rights for those within the country?
Has Italian politics been significantly altered this time around? Italy has been politically unstable for years now. This election is remarkable because of its low levels of participation: it is also the first time in post-war Italian history that turnout drops below two thirds of voters. The percentage of votes that the three coalition parties gathered has not significantly changed from recent elections. Support for the post-ideological populist Movimento 5 Stelle (Five Star Movement) collapsed, dropping from almost 33% in 2018 to 15%. Many voters stayed at home (8% drop in turnout, continuing the declining trend in participation of the past 30 years). (For a breakdown of who votes for who, check Adam Tooze’s always excellent analysis).
The new government is likely to be a tripartite alliance of Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia, the far-right Lega, and the “center-right” party of infamous bunga bunga Silvio Berlusconi, Forza d’Italia. But this is the tripartite configuration that has governed Italy on many occasions since the 90s. The ingredients are the same, it’s the quantities and labels on the ingredients that changed. It used to be two thirds of a cup of center-right Forza Italia with decent amounts of far right. Now the quantities have reversed.
From a foreign policy and economic standpoint perhaps there is a little less fear to be had. Fratelli d’Italia has fascist and anti-EU origins, but Meloni–much like fellow Marine Le Pen in France–has undergone a rebranding exercise. In early September she went to London to appease financiers. She has expressed support for the EU and NATO. From a foreign policy perspective, the danger lies in her two bedfellows. Salvini has expressed sympathy to Putin, who has been friends with Berlusconi for more than a decade. A few days ago, Berlusconi said that Putin had been forced to intervene in Ukraine, a statement he later nuanced.
But if this tripartite is savvy, they will keep a united front on economic and foreign policy. There are significant constraints in the form of markets and the EU that can influence the course of events. It remains to be seen if the large egos of two of Italy’s big macho men can be kept at bay.
There are less constraints on civil liberties and human rights. Already in Amnesty’s 2021 report the organization warned that the Italian Parliament “failed to extend protection against hate crimes to people attacked because of their gender, gender identity or sexual orientation. Migrants with an irregular status remained vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Cooperation with Libya on migration continued, despite abuses. The authorities continued to criminalize solidarity with refugees and migrants at borders. Torture remained a concern.” Meloni’s party is “strongly opposed to immigration, gay marriage, and “globalism,” and they collaborate with anti-abortion and anti-LGBT groups.”
There is another woman–the woman of my life–who’d be able to relate to the three labels introducing this text. I had lunch with my 92-year-old grandmother this week. A strong Catholic herself, she has lived through multiple political regimes: from a short-lived Spanish republic to a civil war, 40 years of dictatorship, a democratic transition, and the current political system.
“I don’t understand, how can it be, again?” – she said, when I mentioned the rise of far-right extremism and we chatted about Italy.
And yet, it is a time of firsts but it isn’t. Exclusionary nativist movements have thrived in the past in Europe and across the world. Italian politics have entered a new era, yes. In Sweden, the second-largest faction in parliament is, as of this month, a party originally founded by neo-Nazis and other right-wing extremists. The far right is established in Hungary and Poland and thriving in France and Spain.
Yet for as many as feel threatened, scared, and inclined to support far-right movements, many others enjoy freedoms that only seemed an unattainable dream before. I went to a drag show on Saturday. It occurred to me as I was leaving the venue that only a few decades ago Spain was a fascist country where a show like this in one of the city’s largest venues would have been unimaginable.
And many others, who have not been at the forefront of the fight for civil liberties and had qualms or more closed views have also changed. I asked my grandma how she feels now about equal marriage now. She is totally ok with it. I asked her if she’d feel comfortable if I married a woman. Her answer? As long as she loves you.
Mary Oliver wrote in her poem The World I Live In: “The world I live in and believe in is wider than that. And anyway, what’s wrong with Maybe? […] only if there are angels in your head will you ever, possibly, see one.”
Maybe there is no going back. Maybe this is the backlash on the path to a world of belonging.
In other news:
Trial against four others individuals linked to the far-right, anti-government group Oath Keepers begun on Tuesday. They are accused of seditious conspiracy and other charges stemming from the deadly assault. This is one of the highest profile cases stemming from the January 6th attach.
It’s been a few weeks since Yvon Chouinard, Patagonia founder, announced he was giving away the company to a specially designed trust and a nonprofit organization created to preserve the company’s independence and ensure that all of its profits are used to combat climate change and protect undeveloped land around the globe. This is a first of its kind and I still can’t get over it, perhaps another world is possible?
Protests and repression in Iran continue and given the government’s control on information it is difficult to get a complete picture of what’s happening. I asked a friend who says “the most important thing is to think about this as an intersectional feminist issue and a human rights issue. What’s most important is to amplify the voices in Iran especially as the internet is cut. So sharing on socials, discussing at work etc. Then also contacting gov reps to show community support and concern about what’s going on. Also, to offer support and space to Iranian colleagues, students , friends during this time as it’s hugely emotionally draining.”
Systemic Justice, the first Black-led, majority Black people and people of colour (BPOC) organisation in Europe working on community-driven litigation for racial, social, and economic justice, just released its report “"Surfacing Systemic (In)justices: A community view"
The European Union parliament has declared that Hungary is now officially considered an electoral autocracy, “a “hybrid regime of electoral autocracy”, i.e. a constitutional system in which elections occur, but respect for democratic norms and standards is absent, MEPs say.”
Connecting the Dots: Musings on Bridging and Belonging is a bi-monthly column by Míriam Juan-Torres. In it, Míriam reflects on current events, connecting the trends and considering the specificities across countries, applying a bridging and belonging lens and translating concepts from academia for a wider audience. In Connecting the Dots, Míriam carefully curates readings and resources to further expand our understanding and shed light on the complexities of our time. Join our mailing list to stay up to date on the latest of the Democracy & Belonging Forum's curated analysis from Miriam and more.
Editor's note: The ideas expressed in this blog are not necessarily those of the Othering & Belonging Institute or UC Berkeley, but belong to the authors.